Bharat Ratna is a political tool. Modi using it to position BJP as a social justice party
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to posthumously award the Bharat Ratna to Karpoori Thakur, socialist leader and former Chief Minister of Bihar, is more than an act of honour in the intricate landscape of Indian politics. This strategic gesture, just before the announcement of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, aimed at swaying vote banks and influencing party ideologies, reflects a calculated political manoeuvre. This move is a calculated effort to alter the dynamics of social justice politics in India, potentially impacting the vote shares of key political players like Lalu Prasad Yadav, Nitish Kumar, and the Congress party.
The Bharat Ratna—India’s highest civilian honour—is conferred based on the recommendations made by the Prime Minister to the President. It has been political since it was instituted in 1954. Every government has used the award to endorse their political ideologies and strategies. For instance, Jawaharlal Nehru was awarded the honour during his tenure as PM, a move which has led to it being called ‘self-awarded’. The first recipients of the award— Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and C Rajagopalachari —were also part of Nehru’s cabinet.
Not awarding the Bharat Ratna to Sardar Patel and BR Ambedkar, during the era of Nehru was also a political act.
The VP Singh government awarded it to Ambedkar and Nelson Mandela, while the Rajiv Gandhi government gave the award to MGR, because of his work and also because the party formed by him, AIADMK, was aligned with the Congress at that moment in history. Atal Bihari Vajpayee honoured Jayaprakash Narayan, an icon of anti-Congress politics. Modi awarding it to Nanaji Deshmukh, Madan Mohan Malaviya, and Pranab Mukherjee aligns with the strategic interests of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Even the selection of Thakur underlines the political ideas of the BJP and the RSS.
A stalwart of social justice
Karpoori Thakur, a stalwart of socialist ideology and a champion of social justice, was a revered figure in Bihar. Thakur’s tenure as Bihar’s chief minister and as a minister in various departments was distinguished by impactful social justice reforms. Notable initiatives included abolishing school fees in government schools and promoting wider educational access in a state battling poverty. He also implemented ‘Lagan Maf’, waiving land tax for unprofitable farms, thus providing financial relief to struggling farmers. In a move aimed at empowering the Dalits, Thakur’s government provided gun licenses to individuals from the Dalit community, enabling them to defend themselves against caste-based violence and oppression. This decision was not only a significant step towards ensuring their safety but also a symbolic gesture affirming the state’s commitment to protecting the rights and dignity of its most vulnerable citizens.
Thakur’s policies, particularly the implementation of reservations for backward classes in government jobs in Bihar in 1978, were groundbreaking. He introduced a subclause ensuring specific quotas for the most backward classes, MBCs, also referred to as Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs). The move redefined the landscape of affirmative action in the state. Incidentally, the MBCs are an important voting block in Bihar and many other states.
The Modi government’s decision to honour Thakur is not merely a posthumous tribute to a deserving leader, it is a strategic move. By awarding Thakur the Bharat Ratna, the BJP seeks to position itself as a champion of social justice, a domain traditionally dominated by parties like Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) in Bihar. This move can be seen as an attempt to fracture the established voter bases of these parties. It can have national implications too.
The BJP, historically associated with Hindutva and upper-caste Bania-Brahmin politics, is making inroads into the social justice sphere. By recognising Thakur, the BJP not only pays homage to a leader from an extremely backward class but also signals its attempt to attract MBC voters. Modi specifically mentioned Thakur’s caste in his statement, “He belonged to one of the most backward sections of society, the Nai Samaj. Overcoming numerous obstacles, he achieved a lot and worked for societal betterment.”
Shift in BJP’s narrative
Furthermore, the timing of this award, just before the 2024 elections, is important. It suggests a calculated effort to shift the political narrative. The move also puts pressure on regional parties and the Congress, which have often been accused of neglecting leaders like Thakur in favour of more mainstream political figures from elite backgrounds such as Gulzarilal Nanda and Govind Ballabh Pant. It raises questions about why these parties, despite their professed commitment to social justice, did not champion the cause of awarding the Bharat Ratna to Thakur earlier.
It is noteworthy that Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad Yadav, at various times, held influential positions within the Union Government. Given their political leverage, it could be argued that they had the opportunity to advocate awarding the Bharat Ratna to Thakur. However, there is no concrete evidence to suggest they ever made such an effort. This lack of action poses a significant issue for them, as they cannot simply claim to have sought the conferment before this. And if they raised the issue at all, it appears they did not vehemently pursue it.
Modi’s background as a leader from the backward Modh Ghanchi caste adds another layer to this decision. By awarding the Bharat Ratna to Thakur, Modi is not only acknowledging the contributions of a fellow backward-class leader but also reinforcing his connection with the marginalised sections of society. This part of Modi’s statement is quite significant – “As a person belonging to the backward classes myself, I have much to thank Jan Nayak Karpoori Thakur Ji for. Unfortunately, we lost Karpoori Ji at a relatively young age of 64. We lost him when we needed him the most. Yet, he lives on in the heart and minds of crores of people due to his work. He was a true Jan Nayak!”
This move can be interpreted as an attempt to build a narrative of inclusivity and social justice around the BJP, traditionally seen as a party catering to the upper castes and priestly and business classes.
Dilip Mandal is the former managing editor of India Today Hindi Magazine, and has authored books on media and sociology. He tweets @Profdilipmandal. Views are personal.
(Edited by Theres Sudeep)
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