The ladies and gentlemen, the issue is not just the internal security of the state of Jharkhand. It has a direct impact on our own internal security and it’s also a national security issue as we speak. There are unconfirmed estimates by various surveys that have been carried out across the country that say that there are nearly 3 to 4,00,00,000 illegals across the length and breadth of Bharat 3 to 4,00,00,000. Its not a small number today. The High Court has seen the Jharkhand government itself, except that just in the Santhal Parghana region and the adjoining areas, there could be 10 to 15,00,000 people. Sayed Daniel, Danish petitioner, is joining us at this point. He’s the one who had moved the PIL Danish. Thank you so much. If I may call you Danish, Tell us, tell us what, what did the court say? How did you move this PIPIL? And the, you know, the progress has been over the course of the last one year. But what did the court say today and what did the Jharkhand government accept and quote today? Why we have my honourable Justice Jharkhand High Court name Kendra Sarkar for Ek baad bataye Danish Ki CAA tos nagrikta deniwali baat hai. Paragar bahar ke log hai Jo illegal hai avaad hai to imperto foreigners act 1946 lag hoga or yeh Ki koi Agar Maha avaid roop say hai Agar rous act ka san chodhan ke baat to local district magistrate ke pas BIA powers khar illegal migrants Agar genuine hai Sai hai to mera channelize yeah unko Agar UN channelized hai aware problem hai. Ground ground Bengal ke bare Mein sabkoi janta hai. Bengal SE access Karna Bengal san hai or Jharkhand Bengal Yeah yeah yeah yeah to abisko kaise pachan kaise hogi Agar Sarkar Jo pehle Charmaine Pele you’re saying four months ago you cared illegal sub locals lekha Nagar hum kuch demographic numbers they came to purani numbers ho bhalehi those are those are Gara ke beach me to yeh pehle say hotaara lets. Can we just quickly call up that demographic change? Is it deliberate? Because what we are seeing is that in Sahib Guns J in 2001, the Muslim population was about 2,90,000 odd. By 2011, it jumped to three lakh 98 to 43, far greater than the population growth rate or the 40 ratio there. In terms of parkour two lakh 27 to 3 lakh 22 it was a 42% jump, a 37% jump, a 42% jump versus let’s look at the Santal region where in 2001 again it was a 10.8% in terms of the overall Santal population. So the Muslim population and the Santal population look at the difference in growth rate 10.8% growth rate and 19.51% so its 42% in the same region of sahib ganj, 42% Muslim population jump and 10.8% again in Pakur. If you look at it the the same. If you look at the jumps 42% and 19.51% so similar same area but two different communities. Ek ka karib, Ek bees percent 19 to 20% Bharta uska duska, duska, double guna bharta. Whereas the the population that’s grown by about 2 1/2 three times is actually supposed to be smaller in number much much smaller in number. So this is what pointed to the fact key there could be mass scale illegal migration or illegal entry influx and from the neighboring areas. So Bangladesh to Bengal and Bengal to Jharkhand. Danish Shah mere Saath Banerahiya. Let’s just open this up a little. Ishkaran Bhandari lawyer is with us. Praful Shah Dev spokesperson of the BJP in Jharkhand is with us. And Tanuj Khatri, spokesperson of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha is also with us. Now does CAA come into play in this because the High Court has asked the CAAA solution, Nikal Saktire. CAA can give Nagrikta to persecuted minorities. But what should be applicable here is Karan Bhandari Anand Firstly, my compliments to the petitioner because it is an extremely important issue he’s taken to the court. We are at a state of war. The documents and the data you are showing of increase of 42 percent, 19 percent, 10%. That’s a complete war in which the demographics of India is being changed unfiltered through the border. They keep coming because certain state authorities allow that to happen and there are various states. There is a different problem in Northeast. There is a problem here and that problem is multiplying day by day and that takes away resources from the poorest sections of the society. That is why probably there was so much a protest to the NCA. Obviously its a law to give citizenship, not to throw people out. But after CEA there is a thing called NRIC where you will have to identify who are the citizens of this country. Firstly, we have to undertake that process because as Mr. Danesh is saying, Kivo Itna Gulmil Jatiya, it is not so easy to identify them also and the process of identification also. I’ve always maintained the protests against CEA was a red herring because they did not want the subsequent actions to be undertaken with subsequent laws to come, which would lead to illegal people being thrown out of India. We are absolutely at a state of war if whatever economic development we do, people from Bangladesh come or from any other company country come, Pakistan or Afghanistan or any other country and these countries where there are no resources. Pakistan is a bankrupt nation. Can we have everybody from Pakistan coming in here, Bangladesh, We know what the situation is. We know what the situation is in Afghanistan and so many other countries. So I think good, what I think the High Court has done is even though under CEA, we both know what the position is, that it is exploring the option, it is putting it to the government that what do you think is a solution? Because sending a notice like this or issuing a notice like this means that they are cognizant of the problem. They understand how big the problem is and now they are seeking the governments response on how to tackle the problem, which is a very positive development. How its tackle of course will require the government to provide certain laws and a political situation to do it in mass. And that is where I think the entire problem lies. But it is.
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