The great Hindu revival

The great Hindu revival

A single sentence from Narendra Modi’s address at the consecration ceremony of the Balak Ram idol at the brand-new Ram Mandir in Ayodhya summed up the epochal nature of the event. Choking with emotion, the prime minister said, “Our Ram Lalla will no longer live in a tent, he will now reside in his divine mandir.” The imagery those words evoked—from a forlorn tent to a grand temple—encapsulated the century-old bloody struggle to build a mandir at what is believed to be the birthplace of one of the most revered deities of the Hindu pantheon. It was also emblematic of the cultural renaissance that the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led by Modi and its mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), hope to foster in India in the months and years ahead. Not to mention the emotional connect the event generated among India’s Hindu majority, which experts say will boost the BJP’s bid to win a third consecutive term with a clear majority in the general election to be held in the summer of 2024.

Modi, though, will remain the prime mover, conductor and main yajman (patron) of this spectacular demonstration of Hindu revival and resurgence. As is his wont, everything about this moment was choreographed to perfection. In his first term, the prime minister resisted immense pressure from RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and the Sangh Parivar to issue an ordinance to build the temple without waiting for the Supreme Court judgment on the matter. The Supreme Court had been hearing the Ayodhya land title case filed by its appellants since 2010. These litigants had appealed against the Allahabad High Court verdict the same year to divide the 2.77 acres of disputed land three ways—two parts to Hindu organisations and one part to the Muslim organisation involved. But Modi made it clear to the RSS that a solution would be found under the ambit of the Indian Constitution—that is, only after the judicial process was over.

THE BUILD-UP

The prime minister’s perseverance and patience paid off when, in his second term, the Supreme Court in a landmark judgment on November 9, 2019, concluded that the Babri Masjid was built on top of a “pre-Islamic structure” and acknowledged the Hindu side’s claim on the land. The court ordered the disputed 2.77 acres to be handed over entirely to a trust to be created by the government of India to build the Ram Janmabhoomi temple. While condemning the demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992 as “an egregious violation of the rule of law”, the apex court of the country ruled that the wrong committed must be remedied. It ordered the Uttar Pradesh government to give an alternative five acres of land in Ayodhya to the Muslim organisation to build a mosque to replace the demolished one.

Soon after the court’s order, the prime minister appointed his former principal secretary, Nripendra Misra, one of his most trusted aides, as chairman of the Ayodhya Ram Mandir Construction Committee, which would coordinate with the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra (SRJBTK) trust that had been formed. A no-nonsense retired IAS officer from the UP cadre, Misra, despite delays and setbacks on account of Covid, ensured that much of the three-storey-high temple—set to have five shikharas—was completed in time for the consecration ceremony. Especially the ground floor where the garbha griha or the sanctum sanctorum would be housed. The Opposition accused Modi and the BJP of rushing through with the ceremony even before construction of the temple was complete to garner votes for the general election. But BJP sources say that the date and timing of the consecration ceremony were chosen by the SRJBTK trust based on Vedic astrology, according to which the most auspicious period for the pran pratishtha, the ceremony to bestow divinity on the newly sculpted Balak Ram idol, would be January 22.

In the run-up to the ceremony, Modi undertook a rigorous 11-day yama-niyama-anushthan fast, including sleeping on the ground, to perform his duties as the yajman. To dispel the notion that Ram was a calling only for those living in the North, the prime minister went on a temple run in both the West and the South, visiting famous shrines in Maharashtra, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu before heading to Ayodhya. The intent was clearly to reassure those who worshipped other gods that this was not a ploy to ram Ram down their throats—it was not a ‘one nation, one God’ theme.

On the day of the ceremony, Ayodhya was transformed into a Vatican-like city with the road leading to the temple lined with performers from across the country singing bhajans devoted to Ram and dancing to them in celebration. Over 7,000 special guests from all walks of life, including celebrities from business, sports, cinema and media, descended on the temple town with a long cavalcade of SUVs transporting them to the mandir. UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath had spent considerable effort in the past four years to massively revamp the city’s infrastructure. This included the widening of roads, modernising the airport and railway station and cleaning up the bathing ghats along the holy Sarayu river that flows not far from the temple complex.

PROPRIETY AND PROPITIATION

Modi ensured that the ceremony itself struck the right balance between propriety and propitiation. So, while the prime minister, dressed in a gold kurta with a cream dhoti and patka, remained the cynosure of all eyes, he made sure that RSS chief Bhagwat, CM Adityanath and state governor Anandiben Patel remained an integral part of the ceremony, as also the high priests of the temple. Even as the prime minister participated in the ceremonies, the celebrities assembled in the larger temple complex cheered wildly as they watched the proceedings on giant TV screens set up for them. Indian Air Force helicopters showered petals over them. Modi then offered dandavat pranam (prostrating on the ground) to the deified idol. When the time came for speaking on the occasion, Modi shared the dais with Bhagwat, Adityanath and Anandiben, apart from Mahant Nritya Gopal Das and Govind Dev Giriji Maharaj, the president and the treasurer, respectively, of the SRJBTK trust. Both were given a chance to address the gathering.

Political experts saw it as the prime minister’s way to counter the Opposition criticism that he had converted the whole event into self-glorification and idolatry of himself. The Opposition itself was caught on the back foot when they were invited to attend the consecration. If they didn’t accept, they ran the risk of the BJP accusing them of being anti-Hindu; if they did go, it would be endorsing the BJP’s role in building the Ram temple in Ayodhya. In the end, most of them, including the Congress, stayed away from the ceremony, criticising Modi for politicising the event and claiming that they would pay their respects at an appropriate time. Odisha chief minister Naveen Patnaik took the smartest route by inaugurating the total revamp of the Jagannath Puri temple complex days before the Ram Mandir event, establishing himself as an equally capable defender of the faith (see accompanying report, The Puri Makeover).

SHUNNING TRIUMPHIALISM

To their credit, both Bhagwat and Modi in their speeches shunned triumphalism. Calling for national unity, Bhagwat said, “We must maintain good conduct and end disputes. We must stop the habit of fighting over things and learn to live in harmony.” He saw the construction of the temple as the rise of “a New Bharat” and foretold that “Ram Rajya was coming”. The RSS chief also said that the nation should be seen “moving forward with truth, compassion, wisdom and charity”. The prime minister turned lyrical in his stirring speech, saying, “This is a temple of national consciousness. Ram is the faith, the foundation of India, the idea of India, the law of India, the consciousness of India and the glory of India. Ram is both the flow and the effect. There is Ram neti (analysis through negation), there is also Ram neeti (principled decisions). Ram is eternal but also continuity.” Then, he turned statesman-like and invoked Viksit Bharat, the goal of a developed nation by 2047, saying it was time all Indians took a pledge to “build a strong, capable, grand and divine India”.

Without doubt, the construction of the temple and consecration of the Ram idol are not just a symbol of the grand revival of Hinduism across the country but will also have a profound impact on India’s future. Experts see plenty of positives and matters of concern. Dattatreya Hosabale, the erudite Sarkaryavah (General Secretary) of the RSS, sees the Ram Mandir as a major inflection point in the nation’s history. As he puts it, “The whole movement of Ram Jamnabhoomi was started to strengthen national unity and self-respect and to restate the civilisational aspect of our nation. What we are seeing on the horizon is a new civilisation paradigm for the modern times based on cultural heritage. The very word ‘Ram’ is unifying for all strata of society and all religions within Bharat.”

Other experts are uncomfortable with the blurring of lines between spiritual and temporal powers and see the strengthening of Mandir politics as a blow to India’s secular ethos. Political activist Yogendra Yadav believes “it’s a conscious attempt to create a Hindu political community that has never existed in this country. A community that is homogeneous, where the sects do not matter. It doesn’t cut across but papers over caste. It’s an astoundingly brilliant attempt but also diabolic. It’s the first attempt to reverse the relationship between the State and Dharma. It’s the first attempt to colonise Hinduism by political power.” Adds social anthropologist Shiv Visvanathan, “To call the Mandir a new kind of resurgence does not fit history but advertising. This is not a Bhakti movement of any kind. This is an attempt to use religion instrumentally. The syncretic power of religion, the dialogicity is lost. The current story lacks the subtlety and suppleness of a narrative. It sounds more like a diktat.”

A NEW CIVILISATIONAL PARADIGM

It is significant that both Bhagwat and his deputy Hosabale talk of a new civilisational paradigm. The RSS has always held that an Indian nation without its cultural moorings would be like a boat adrift in troubled seas. Hence, the advocacy of Hindutva defined as a revival of India’s Hindu identity based on the inclusivity of its spiritual traditions and its wealth of value systems. It is meant to be a Dharmic transformation and not a narrow religious denomination. The genesis of the Mandir agitation lay in trying to get rid of the main symbols of what was perceived as India’s subjugation and cultural repression by both Muslim invaders and Christian colonisers for a thousand years. The erstwhile Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi and the Idgah mosque in Mathura were seen as prime examples of how Hindu temples had been destroyed and converted into Muslims places of worship. Nehru’s secularism was seen as appeasement of minority communities and a suppression of the true life force that had made India great in the past. Sunil Ambekar, Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh of the RSS, terms it as smriti bhramit existence (a phase of history marked by a distorted or misplaced memory of a nation’s culture and values) and says, “We all had suffered from a collective amnesia. Now, there is a cultural awakening. Our main tatva (principle) is unity within, and how we connect with our cultural ties. For the consecration, the entire nation has come together, irrespective of caste, creed, community and economic disparity. Though ancient, it has become a symbol of modern times—the Ram temple movement has become one of the major connecting points of our culture.”

Apart from the Ram Mandir, there were two other major instruments that the RSS saw as essential for the cultural revitalisation of the country: the abrogation of Article 370 that gave Jammu and Kashmir, India’s only Muslim-majority state, an autonomous status, and the need for a Uniform Civil Code (UCC) that will not discriminate on the basis of caste or creed. To Modi’s credit, in his second term, he has been able to fulfil two of the RSS’s three major objectives—the construction of the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya and the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019. By passing the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019, which bans the practice of triple talaq, Modi has made a significant move towards establishing a UCC. It also saw him win the support of Muslim women. All these three RSS goals had been achieved using legal means and cleared by no less than the Supreme Court of India. Ambekar is clear that the RSS will not participate in movements for Mathura and Kashi as it did for the Ram Mandir. “There is a routine legal process that can deal with such issues,” he says.

MODI AND THE SOUL OF INDIA

While Modi has fulfilled much of the Sangh Parivar’s long-pending agenda, the prime minister has also focused on India’s economic growth in addition to implementing a slew of welfare schemes for the poor. Nripendra Misra, who worked closely with Modi while he was his principal secretary in the first term, believes that the prime minister in his second term has focused on building strong linkages between culture and development. He believes that Modi recognised that India’s rich cultural heritage was neither acknowledged nor conserved, or even developed and is now ensuring this gap is filled. “The prime minister,” he says, “is now focusing strongly on revitalising the soul of the nation. He is providing soul to the concepts of governance, development, social equity and society.” Along with a cultural renaissance, the promise of Viksit Bharat fits well with the Modi narrative. Ashwini Vaishnaw, the Union minister of railways, believes that culture and a sense of identity in all its dimensions play an important role in the nation’s growth. “Under Modiji,” he says, “we are a country that no longer feels helpless but is confident of achieving things, being at the cutting edge of innovation and building a better country—all the structures of a good society are falling into place.” Adds Bharat Lal, secretary general, National Human Rights Commission, who has served with Modi for decades, “What the PM has demonstrated is that India has the capacity to correct historical wrongs and make them right. He ensured that justice is done. It is a coming of age, a cultural assertion, where powerful emotions and sentiments are respected and smoothly implemented by taking everyone together. Internationally, too, it shows the PM’s ability to resolve contentious issues in a peaceful manner.”

The rest of the world is closely watching the progress of both Modi and the RSS’s Hindutva agenda. They have already noticed the Hindu revival that has taken place in the past decade with the rise of the BJP, but foreign policy experts do not yet know how the US and the western world will accommodate the new sense of nationalism guiding India’s foreign policy. D.B. Venkatesh Varma, a former diplomat, last posted as Indian ambassador to Russia, believes that India’s cultural and religious sentiment now will invariably spill into political assertiveness both within and outside India. “India’s foreign policy,” he says, “will be assessed increasingly through this new discourse. India is not merely just another state but a civilisational one that is now asserting its place in the global order. This will be noted abroad, particularly in the West. They may not like India’s assertiveness, but will learn to accept it.”

THE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS

When it comes to domestic politics, most experts have no doubt that the Ram Mandir will give a major boost to Modi’s already strong prospects for a third term, but ace political strategist Prashant Kishor has a different take. “These are all hyped-up things,” says Kishor. “At best, it will bring some mojo back to the BJP supporters. For all the hype and the hoopla, it will not add votes to the BJP kitty by itself. That’s because it is not going to get people to change their mind and vote for the BJP. What it may do is result in a better turnout of BJP cadre to the hustings, which helps them increase their vote percentage.” So, what then will determine the outcome of the 2024 election? Of that Kishor is sure. It’s Brand Modi, which has subsumed everything under it. “People are voting for Modi,” he says. “He is seen not just as a Hindu hriday samrat who evokes nationalist pride but also as someone who has brought India laurels on foreign policy and who takes care of the poor by his welfare schemes.” According to Kishor, Brand Modi’s trump cards are Hindutva, nationalism, beneficiaries and an aggressive cadre. Another psephologist who doesn’t want to be named says constructing the Mandir is equivalent to the moon landing by India last year. “While people will applaud initially,” he says, “it will soon wear off and they will ask, what next. When the dust settles over the Mandir consecration, people will ask what did I get out of this beyond a prayer? Did I get food or a job?”

The BJP has already sensed the mood of the electorate, and more than the Mandir, will project Modi and his government’s achievements in Election 2024. Union parliamentary affairs and mines minister Pralhad Joshi asserts that while Ram Mandir is an achievement, it is not the BJP’s whole agenda. “The BJP’s focus is on development, the leadership of the PM, the image of India, lifting over 250 million out of poverty, good governance and a corruption-free and stable government,” he says. However, Professor Narender Kumar, chairperson, Centre for Political Studies, JNU, believes that India under the BJP has moved away from the secularism envisioned in the Constitution, which could have serious consequences. He says, “The minorities in India seem to have accepted things as they don’t want to get involved in confrontation that could lead to physical violence.” But Kumar feels the excitement over the Ram temple may not be sustainable for the BJP. “Religion cannot solve the basic issues of roti, kapda or makaan,” he points out.

THE QUEST FOR RAM RAJYA

Kumar is right. Religion per se cannot feed an empty stomach. Nor can it be the glue that can bind a nation together and help it progress faster. India only has to look in its own backyard to see how Pakistan, which owed its very existence to religious principles, had to let go of East Bengal within two decades because of political dissonance and division. Moreover, while Ram Rajya sounds impressive as an ideal worth achieving, its definitions differ and its vague promise may leave voters dissatisfied. Amish Tripathi, a scholar and author of Indian mythology, defines Ram Rajya as a state “where all are treated as equal, where the weak are protected and where Dharma and righteousness are above all”. But when the RSS experts talk of reclaiming India’s cultural heritage, they talk of a time just before the Muslims and then the British subjugated India. History, however, shows the marks of internal contradictions long before these invaders took over the country, including a rigid and oppressive caste structure, blind idolatry and rituals to propitiate the gods that only a few privileged by birth were able to conduct, which had led to the decay of Hinduism. In fact, Buddhism had elbowed out Hinduism as India’s prime religion for over a thousand years because it offered a less intimidating and more inclusive path to enlightenment. It was only circa 8th century CE that Shankaracharya revived India’s ancient religion with remarkable success.

With the caste system still deeply entrenched and highly politicised in India, reforms remain a work in progress. The Hindu religion is also not a monotheistic entity but a composite of hundreds of deities that make the religion both inclusive and exclusive. If Nehru saw big dams as the temples of modern India, it was because he realised that culture must keep pace with technology. As an expert put it, “You can’t fight Pakistan or China with bows and arrows. You need to bring the force of modern technology.” To be fair, Modi has focused on pushing India to become a technologically advanced nation that is not in contradiction with Bharat’s ethos. Scholars point out that spiritualism in India is seen as an individual quest to attain moksha or enlightenment by uniting with the divinity which is regarded as an absolute, formless, indefinable One, irrespective of the paths and deities chosen to get there. It has a far broader definition of Ekeshwar than a limiting notion of cultural unity. Meanwhile, the Ram Rajya that the RSS seeks, while a noble endeavour, is an uphill one. Hosabale acknowledges that when he says, “For such an ancient and big nation, Ram Rajya cannot happen overnight. It will take some years, perhaps even a generation, to establish it. But we are on the path towards it.” The recent consecration at the Ram Mandir will certainly help fast-track that process.

With Kaushik Deka and Anilesh S. Mahajan

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