Protesters Against Israel Fail Key History Test | Opinion
Protesters march with a sign “Paris mobilizes against genocide and colonialism” on Dec. 2, in Paris, France.
In the war between Israel and Hamas, there have been far too many casualties—thousands of innocent civilians have died, primarily in Gaza. But this war has another less visible casualty: the hundreds of thousands of Jewish immigrants to Israel from the Middle East and North Africa known as Mizrahi, whose history is being erased from the popular narrative about Israel. My community is among them.
When angry protesters hurl charges of apartheid and colonialism at Israel, they are, knowingly or not, repudiating the truth about Israel’s origin and the vast racial and ethnic diversity of its nation.
I was born and raised in Iran in a family of Jewish educators. I came of age during the tumultuous years of the Iranian revolution, just as Ayatollah Khomeini rose to power in 1979, and soon thereafter, annihilated his opposition—feminists, leftists, even the Islamic Marxists who had long revered him as their spiritual leader. Until 1979, if anyone had told my observant Jewish family that we would someday leave Iran, we would have laughed. In fact, at our Passover seders, the words “next year in Jerusalem,” were always followed by chuckles and quips, “oh, yeah, sure, Watch me pack!” all underlining our collective belief that we were exactly where we intended to remain. We loved Israel, but Israel was a Nirvana—a place we revered but never expected to reach.
The 30 years preceding the Islamic revolution had led the Jewish community to believe that the dark days of bigotry were behind them. And for good reason! When my father was a schoolboy in the late 1930s, he was not allowed to attend school on rainy days. In the highly conservative town where he grew up, in Khonsar, his Shiite neighbors considered Jews “unclean,” or Najes. They barred them, among other things, from leaving their homes on rainy days, lest the rainwater splashed off the bodies of the Jews and onto the Muslim passersby, thus making them “unclean,” too. Yet, that same boy grew up, left the insular town, attended college in Tehran, earned a master’s degree, and served in the royal army as a second lieutenant. (To his last day, my father’s photo in military uniform was among his most prized possessions.) After service, he became the principal of a school, purchased a home in what was then a relatively upscale neighborhood of Tehran. The distance between my father’s childhood and adulthood far surpassed two decades. It was the distance between two eras—between incivility and civility, bigotry and tolerance.
Yet, as if on cue, the demon of antisemitism was unleashed again. The 1979 Islamic revolution summoned all the prejudices my father thought had been irretrievably buried. One day, on the wall across our home, graffiti appeared, “Jews gets lost!” Soon thereafter, the residence and fabric store my aunt and her extended family owned in my father’s childhood town were set on fire after a mob of protesters looted it. Within days, she and her family, whose entire life’s savings had burned in that fire, left for Israel. As young as I was, I could see that the regime was indiscriminately brutal to all those it deemed a threat to its reign, especially secular Muslims. But the new laws were specifically designed so that non-Muslims, and women, all but became second-class citizens. Members of religious minorities, especially the Baha’i, could no longer eye top jobs in academia, government, the military, etc. Restaurateurs had to display signs in their windows making clear that “the establishment was operated by a non-Muslim.” In a court of law, members of religious minorities could offer testimony in criminal trials, but theirs would only count as half that of a Muslim witness. Jews were once again reduced to Dhimmis—tax-paying citizens who were allowed to live, but not thrive. Then came a handful of executions of prominent Jewish leaders in the early months after the revolution, which sent shockwaves through the community. Jewish schools were allowed to operate, but under the headmastership of Muslims who were officially appointed.
Within a few years after the rise of Ayatollah Khomeini to power, the Jewish population of Iran, which once stood at 100,000, shrank to a fraction of its size. Today, of the ancient community whose presence in Iran predates that of Muslims, only 8,000 remain. For centuries, Iran has been home to the most sacred Jewish sites in the Middle East outside of Israel. But those monuments have either fallen into disrepair or are targets of regular attacks by antisemitic mobs. Only last week, the tomb of Esther and Mordecai—the memorial to the heroine and hero from the Book of Esther who saved the Jews from being massacred in ancient Persia, was set on fire.
How is it that the 90,000-plus who left Iran, many for Israel, are now deemed as occupiers? How do Iranian refugees fleeing persecution become “colonizers” upon arrival in Israel? These families, my aunt among them, were not emissaries of any standing empire, nor were they returning to a place where they had no history. For them, Israel was not a home away from their real homeland. It was their only homeland. The vitriolic slogan that appeared across my home in 1979 demanded that we “get lost!” In 2024, once again, the same Jews are being called upon to leave, this time Israel. Where, then, are Jews allowed to live?
Iranian Jews were not alone. Jews from Iraq, especially in the aftermath of the 1941 pogrom called Farhood, similarly fled their homeland. So did the Jews of Yemen, Tunisia, Egypt, Turkey, Syria, Morocco, Algeria, Ethiopia, Afghanistan, etc. All, destitute and dejected, they took refuge in Israel. Today, they make up nearly 50 percent of Israel’s population. To call such a nation colonial GRAVELY misrepresents the facts about Jews and Israel.
In his timeless essay, Looking Back on the Spanish Civil War, George Orwell said that in the Spain of 1937, he “saw history being written not in terms of what happened but of what ought to have happened according to various ‘party lines.'” With the alarming rise of antisemitism around the world, and in light of the bloody attacks on Israel by Hamas on Oct. 7, the greatest massacre of Jews since World War II, 2024 bears an uncanny resemblance to Orwell’s 1937. But perhaps in no way more ominously than the way truth has been upended to serve an ideological narrative—one in which Jews, who have lived uninterruptedly in that land for more than two millennia, are cast as white non-indigenous interlopers, with no roots in what has always been their ancient homeland.
A public scholar at the Moynihan Center (CCNY), Roya Hakakian is the author of several books including, Journey from the Land of No: A Girlhood Caught in Revolutionary Iran (Crown, 2005).
The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.
Related Articles
Start your unlimited Newsweek trial