PM Modi Challenges Congress With Another Manmohan Clip On ‘resources For Muslims’ | News18

The So it is once again the Prime Minister raising his attack against the Congress party for what he calls appeasing Muslims. In fact, the BJP president this morning first tweeted out a video which was endorsed by the Prime Minister. This was a video of former Prime Minister Doctor Manmohan Singh sticking to his stand in a press conference in Mumbai in 2007. Sticking to the stand that he took in a speech that he made at a meeting of the National Development Council in 2006 that Muslims have the first claim to the nations resources. Doctor Singh in this video is seen as doubling down on that position. The BJP is also extending the attack against the Congress saying that this is the mentality of the Congress which made the parties governments in Karnataka and in Andhra Pradesh over the last many years to bring sub quotas for Muslims within the overall quota for backward caste. The Congress has hit back saying that this is a sign of Mr. Modi and the BJP getting desperate. They are citing voter turn out data which has been rather depressed. One would say compared to the earlier data from 2019, certainly in the first phase in large parts of Rajasthan that went to polls in Western Uttar Pradesh, the voter turn out was rather subdued compared to what it was in phase one last time around. Even in phase two there are pockets where we are seeing voter turn out anywhere between 2:00 to 5:00 percentage points lower. So the Congresses contention is that the Prime Minister, the BJP is sort of resorting to this kind of Muslim bashing only to enthuse their base, the BJP base and to turn out the vote. Because in a case where voter turn out is low, then it could become a question of margins. The BJP may not coast to the kind of victory that it did in 2014 or in 2019. That’s the Congress and the oppositions contention. So which of it is true? Is this communal politicking or is this a sign of appeasement by the Congress party? Well, get to that and more in just a second. But first, the story of the day so far. On a day when 88 constituencies across 13 different states from Kerala in the South to Jammu in the north went to ports, I say to minorities, particularly the Muslim minorities. If they are poor, they have prior claimed on the resources of the country. I use the world all for all minorities and I added for measure together the Muslim minorities. If they are poor, they have a prior mind on the resources. Every I stand by that I doctor Manmohan sinjika Ek aur purana video samne aya hai chis main phir SE wo bahi kare hai Ki desh ke Saha dhano par pehla ha ka hai Ki ghushna patrami personal loko. Hum age badahenge Ki baati me Rahul Gandhi jiko puchna chata personal loko a page badahenge to kya this apsariya kya dhar par chalega kiss prakar ka padan pics samvidhan mecha BJP chante hai. Dakshin Bharat main saaf or Uttar or magi bhare ko Ki. All right, let me open this up to our guest Sanju Verma as national spokesperson of the BJP. Aishwarya Mahadev, the spokesperson of the Congress party we’ve sung. We seen a journalist and author Swapan Dasgupta is a former Rajya Sabha member of Parliament and senior journalist Sanju Verma. The Congress party is saying why are you having to resort to what Doctor Manmohan Singh said in 2006 at the NDC or what he said subsequently in 2009? The video that BJP handles have put out today. These are issues that are well settled from 15 years ago. If you’re so confident of char so power or mission 370 or what have you, why are you relying on 15 year old videos? You know zakah, First things first. Let it be known to everybody that BJP stands for justice for all appeasement of none. Whereas if you look at the history and track record of the Congress party, I mean let truth be told, it was way back in 1994 that Veerappa Moili when he was the Chief Minister of Karnataka, he decided that Muslims need to be categorized under the OBC category to ensure that they get relevant reservations. Now, I’m not going to get into the fact as to whether Muslims need to be clubbed under the OBC category and get reservations because they are indeed getting the benefit of reservations. I’ll tell you where the problem is and what exactly the BJP is trying to highlight. You know, for instance, let us look at what happened recently. Recently in 2021, Maharashtra issue came up before the Supreme Court. What exactly were the Supreme Courts observations? The Supreme Court said Raheem can get reservation not because he’s Raheem. Abdul can get reservation not because he’s Abdul. Gautam can get reservation not because he’s Gautam. You know Tom can get reservation not because he is Tom, but because of a Gautam. A Tom and Abdul and Rahim claim that they are backward. So religion cannot be the basis for wanting reservation. This has been upheld in the Supreme Court in various judgments 1990, two 1995, 2014, 2021. Now the problem arises that in Maharashtra you already have 52% reservation beyond the mandated 50% which the Supreme Court allows. Now Muslims are claiming reservations within this 52% quota along with Hindus, Christians, Jains, Buddhists, what have you. So far so good. What is not acceptable is that now beyond this 52% anudhar thak. I wanted that 4% should be reserved for Muslims quota within quota, which is precisely what Siddaramaiah is trying to do and which is precisely what Basavraj Mumbai wanted to eradicate in Karnataka. Also, the overall reservation is at 51.23% now, Basavraj Mumbai said backward Muslims deprived Muslims are already getting the benefit of reservation within the overall umbrella of 51.3%. What was the need to have another 4% under the D2 category, which is what Siddaramaiah has now decided to give to the Muslims, which means overall umbrella can be reservation milega. Then you will also enjoy the benefits of reservation exclusively for a certain community on the basis of religion because there’s a quota within quota reservation within reservation. It is this reservation within reservation quota within quota which is what the BJP one second, one second in the. In the specific case of Karnataka, my understanding is that in 1994 Virappa Mohilis government brought this in just as the polls were about to be called. In 1995, HD Deve Gowda LED Janta Dal. At that time United government implemented this. It was a when Mr. Deve Gowda was Chief Minister that the assembly passed this in April 2023. The Basaraj Bomai government scrapped this 4% quota and this 4% quota in Karnataka my understanding is is within the 32% OBC quota. So its within the OBC quota this 4% and the Basraj Bombay government scrapped. It gave 2% to Lingayats, gave 2% of Okolaigas matter went to court, the Supreme Court pulled up the Bombay government and the Bombay government said were not making any new appointments for government jobs or in educational institutions on the basis of this 4% quota. It informed the Supreme Court in May 2023, before it demitted office, that it is putting on hold this move. Yes, Zaka, you know, you talk of 32%, but I’m talking of the overall quota. There is quota in local government bodies in Karnataka as much as in Maharashtra, there’s a quota for admission into government schools. There is a quota for getting government jobs. You know, if you add up all these three quotas, you arrive at that number of little over 51% in the case of Karnataka and about 52% out for Maharashtra. My limited point is this. You can either claim benefit by virtue of being socially, educationally and financially deprived or you can claim benefits under the guard of being a religious and linguistic minority who deserves certain special benefits. What the Supreme Court has said in various judgments, let us not caught one judgment this You cannot say that I am a poor Abdul. So let me get reservation because I am poor. But because I am Abdul, I should get minority benefits wide Article 29 and Article 30 of the Constitution, which are clearly aimed at only giving special advantages on the basis of language and religion to certain minorities. My point is what the Supreme Court has said is you can’t have your cake and eat it too. You can either reservation or claim linguistic and minority related benefits under Article 29 and 30. OK, let me ask Aishwarya Mahadev. So the speech that Doctor Manmohan Singh made in 2006 at the National Development Council was and he said and I quote, we have to devise innovative plans to empower minorities, empower Muslims who equitable share in development. Minorities, particularly Muslim minorities have the first claim on resources. The problem that the BJP and its supporters seem to have is why did Doctor Manmohan Singh have to say particularly Muslims? Are there no poor Christians or poor Jains or Sikhs or Buddhists? Why particularly Muslims have the first claim on the nations resources. Good evening Zaka. I have an official clarification also from the office of the PMO which I will send, which was issued on 10th December 2006. But I’m not going to get into the nitty gritty of it because there’s a lot of a whole load of puerile arguments that have come out here, but I’m just going to make a few responses. I believe it’s an absolute charlatan sport, to use the guise of history in various ways and forms of twisting it in today’s context because you’re absolutely bereft and bankrupt of any issues. And when Madam talks about a cap of reservation of such sanctity, you should ask her, ask her to look back at what her own party spoke about when they offered 10% on the economically weaker section reservation also. And when you talk about, you know, Mr. Sidramaya offering Muslims this sort of reservation there, Ma’am, if you go back and read from the Heart Agnor Committee to the Chinapa Reddy from 9495, your own alliance partner, the former Prime Minister, Mr. Deve Gowda, trumpets the fact that he seems to have been the person that instituted this. This is something that has happened for for decades. This has been going on for decades. But because the BJP has absolutely nothing else, I’m not going to get into the entirety of what the court battle is, Zaka. I’m going to make this simple. If the BJP is a government that talks about development that says hamni itna Sara, kaam kya hai, hamari dasal me, why is it that they go back decades in order to try and justify any sort of problems they have today? They are not talking about development. They are not talking about achidin. They are not talking about vikas. They start talking about patches of land from 74. They start talking about what chief ministers and people who no longer even alive to talk about these instances, instances from that time. And now the greatest joke on all of us is people who said Mehpan saal me achidin or vikas or sabkuch liyanga abhi 2047, Kibare Mehbaat kare And that has become the problem of the BJP. This is not even distraction or diversion. This is an absolute shame on democracy. OK, this is what the BJP is resorted to. Let me, yeah, let me, let me, let me get Sopan Das Gupta. And we sang we also into into this conversation. Sopan das Gupta. The point is again the political argument being made by the opposition is the Prime Minister said this in first time in a rally in Banswara last Sunday which was after the first phase of polling. And the feedback seemed to be and there’s data to back this at least in the first phase where we have full voter turn out numbers for in Rajasthan, in Western Uttar Pradesh. In Bihar, voter turn out was significantly low, anywhere between 4 to 8% in many of these constituencies. And the fear was that people were not turning out, the BJP voters were not turning out for whatever reason, maybe because of the heat, maybe because you know the familiar saying is Anna hai to Modi koi hai, so why should we turn out and so on and so forth. So therefore, fearing that this would be a low voter turn out contest, a contest of margins, the BJP and the Prime Minister are resorting to their favorite calling card which is Hindu Muslim. How do you counter that argument? Well, I’m not going to counter the argument. What I what I am going to establish for the moment is that in Indian elections, if you go with a positive agenda and the BJP has a positive agenda which is called Vikshit Bharat. And with that positive agenda is also coupled with a general recognition that this election somehow belongs, has been determined in advance and it belongs to Narendra Modi. And you’re quite right in suggesting that there is a degree of complacency, predictability, call it whatever you want to which is there. Secondly, it is also a fact that a a significant section of the opposition, particularly those who believe in riot, you know, having their opposition expressed through the foreign governments, believe that the legitimacy of this elections can be somehow questioned if the turn out turns out to be low. And finally, you have this excruciating heat which is far more than anyone else had actually anticipated in this. Now, under the circumstances, one of the the first thing which Nanarendra Modi appears to have done, and which he’s done in every single election right from the time he fought as a Gujarat chief minister, is that you must find a place where you can oppose someone else. Even if you are in government, whether you go back to the Mottkas or the other, etc. There has always been that element of that because that’s what charges the Cadas on the ground and that could be, I mean, it’s a natural thing, you know, otherwise, you know, you, you believe that, OK, it’s a done deal, elections are a done deal. You don’t have to really think. So to that extent you’re quite right in suggesting that one of the features of the risk is to actually raise the motivational levels of the committed voters and ensure a higher turn out, which is not a bad thing at all. I do the first time I’m coming across an implicit argument that trying to raise the the level of participation in the election is somehow suspect and that to my mind that’s a very dodgy argument. The greater the argument. And so the point really here at present which is there is that its not really a question of the mechanics, the convoluted logic inside the quotas, within the quotas etc. But you seized upon something. Then the Congress which had earlier said you’re not even discussing our manifesto because and instead you’re calling out a Muslim manifest Muslim league manifesto because you’re talking about the basis of the India being a unitary state or India being a quasi federal or India being a confederal issue. So suddenly you came across and they are saying and and and its greeted by a cacophony of contradictory statements by the Congress. Now naturally the Prime Minister is going to go for that, go, go for the jugular in this context and he’s going to get for the jugular particularly. And I think I would take normally, I’m a bit skeptical about his other writings, but what Pratap Mehta, pratap Bhanu Mehta said that BJP is not merely a political party. The BJP is also an identity and I think it was the basis of that identity, which I think Narendra Modi tried to bring out into things. Its a perfectly legitimate thing to do in an election. So. So we’re sang. We, you know, a lot of people have been railing and ranting. You know, how can the Prime Minister use such language? Yakuni resort to this kind of almost equating an entire community with goose Petia and with Jinke Jada, Bache Ho and so on and so forth. But what is the other side saying? How is that any less polarizing? Rahul Gandhi yesterday in Delhi says I want to take the wealth from the 10% of the people and redistribute it to 90% of the people he’s been banging on about. Oh, there’s not one single OBC editor, one single OBC anchor in this country as though that is the most important issue to the people of this country. I mean, how is that not polarizing? When you’re saying this battle is between 90 versus 10, that’s just as polarizing. Yeah. Zaka, I have no problem with anything you said. And I also agree with Shapandas Gupta about why Mr. Modi could perhaps be doing this. I think the Congress is trying to fight this election on caste and on class, its trying to say that the upper castes are in control. We stand up for the backward caste. No other National Party has been as vociferous on the subject of a caste census. But when you sort of play the cast game, I don’t know if you’re necessarily credible because you have no background of doing anything for the backward cast. You also have a problem with the class game because its was done by Indira Gandhi if you remember in 69 and later in 7172. And that was a very different India. That was in India which was deprived. It was in India where all the money was controlled by a small section of industry drawn, if you will forgive the cast, reference from a typical Baniya class. And then I think it made a certain amount of sense. The Congress tried this again in 2004. If you remember the campaign slogans, Congress, kahat AAM aadmi kaisaat. It was Sonia Gandhis view that the benefits of liberalization had not reached the masses. And we should focus on that. It was a good idea. It seemed to have worked for the Congress. But there was a great deal of difference between the way she did it and the way Rahul has done it. She did it by promising things to people which they implemented. Manraga, the welfare measures, the direct transfers were all Congress ideas because the Congress believed that the market had failed the poor and they’ve now become general ideas. The BJP is implementing also. At no stage did she say to people we’ll take away money from the rich, we’ll give it to the poor. That’s its not the same India as 1969 or 1972. This is an India where everybody has got better over the last 10 or 12 years except for people at the margins. This is an aspirational India, not an envious India. So when you go out there and you talk about, I will do this and take this from so and so and give this to so and so, it doesn’t necessarily energize the have nots and it antagonizes the haves. I think that’s the problem with the Congress campaign. That’s the problem with the way in which Rahul is speaking. But the other issue which we touched on at the beginning without wishing to debate the whole caste based stuff again is why is Mr. Modi talking about caste and religion and all of that? I think there is a shop and says a certain reluctance to come out and vote among the base because they see this as a done deal. Mr. Modi perhaps believes this is the way to energize the base. I don’t have a problem with that. I have just one question that’s clear to me. I think its clear to most people Mr. Modi is going to win. Whether he wins with the margins he expects or not, he is not relevant. He will be Prime Minister again. You’re going to have to run this country for five years and the country is going to include the minorities, is going to include Muslims. You don’t think that the kind of rhetoric you’re using now is going to pose problems in the future. I just think enough people havent asked him that. OK, before I get to that, you know the, the, the other issue about rallying the Bay is turning up the vote, so on and so forth. The issue Sanju Varma is as upan das Gupta said. As we sang, we said you know Mr. Modi is well within his his rights to do that. As they say you have an election to win. So whether it whether if that means using Samdam dhan debate to to win that election go ahead and do it. The the problem though is you still have to run a government beyond that you still have to have relations with Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates and Qatar and what have you. What happens then? You know, Zaka, that’s a very interesting question and you know, I won’t be very verbal. I think both the gentleman made some very pertinent points. I especially would like to borrow the phrase from Veer Sanghvi where he said today’s is an aspirational India. Its not an envious India. And you know, I will just take off from there and make a few points. First and foremost, you know since this is a political debate and the Congress paralyst said that echadin nahi hai hai. Modi jine kya kar riya hai. Let me tell you before the assembly elections in Karnataka, Siddaramaiah and DK Shiv Kumar went about Tom saying hum her kisiko, every poor household will get 10 KGS of rice. When they fail to live up to their promise, whom did they blame? They blame Narendra Modi. A 17 year old girl was gang raped a few weeks back. In Belgami, law and order is a state subject instead of Siddaramaiah DK, Shiv Kumar and Jeep Parameshwar taking up accountability. Whom did they blame? Narendra Modi? Rameshwaram cafe blast? It was a terror attack and Siddaramaya and DK Kumar tried to undermine the, you know, seriousness of this entire attack. By saying I mean later though, business groups can reach my rivalry now. You had a horrifying love jihad case of Neha Heremat instead of standing in solidarity with Neha Hiramats family, The first reaction of Siddharamaiah, the first reaction of DK Shiv Kumar and the entire Congress top brass, including Rahul Gandhi, who otherwise has an opinion on everything under the sun, was that they simply consumed favi kalaal in kala lagya in Kanuka, favi kala lagya. And last, but not the least, I’ll tell you because you know this debate cannot be about people levelling allegations at the BJP And the BJP not responding after 500 years Thanks to Narendra Modi, Ayodhya Ram Mandir is a reality. After 70 years, Article 370 abrogated for good after 34 years. It took a leader Modi stature to make instant triple talaq illegal. After 20 years, the Chenna Bridge was built in Kashmir. After 26 years, the Atal tunnel was brought to fruition. After 16 years the vote deal bridge was brought to fruition. After 15 years the new parliament building was built. And last but not the least, let me tell your audience, they always say the proof of the pudding is in the eating and Narendra Modi showcased the hypocrisy of Rahul Gandhi and Manmohan Singh. But Narendra Modi is not anti Muslim and I will take only 10 seconds to inform your audience. More than 31% of PM Nawaz Yojana goes to minorities, especially Muslims. More than 33% of Ayushman Bharat is allocated to minorities, especially Muslims. More than 36% of PN Ujana Yojana beneficiaries are minorities, especially Muslims. And more than 37% of PM Mudra Yojana beneficiaries are minorities secure and give lectures to the BJ. You asked about where are the Achedin? Shes given out a whole bunch of statistics about where the Achedin are. And two, this whole business. When you say Mr. Modis government is polarizing, its communal, so on and so forth, they turn around and say that. But we don’t distinguish when it comes to welfare schemes, whether it is Ujwala or Jan Dhan or whatever other welfare schemes they have in that they don’t discriminate between Hindu and Muslim. You know, Zaka in the terms of beneficiaries, she will come out on a television studio and tell you all of this, which is absolutely well and good. But the fact is that you use this US versus them narrative and I’m going to answer Mr. Swapan Gupta as well, this US versus them narrative and the dog whistling of, you know, we are under threat. And this entire foisting of victimhood on a particular population is what is absolutely problematic. She talks about a few examples of Karnataka. Ma’am, when it comes down to the 10 kilos rice, you were the people under the FSI that would refuse to give us rice. And you are willing to give the same rice and throw away price for ethanol production. I didn’t interrupt you. Please, ma’am. You basically in this side. No, no, let her finish. Please. Let her finish. Ma’am, please let her finish up. You talk about all the distances. You know your entire campaign in Karnataka. Does she want to go on? Can I please, Aishwarya, make a point? Yeah, yes. The point is in Karnataka because again, you are bereft of issues. You rake up all these issues of, you know, Hindu, Muslim and all these communal issues as a way to polarize. And that is the only plank on which you’re trying to get votes. And from the logic of Mr. Swapan Das Gupta, who talks about, you know, there’s nothing wrong in the Prime Minister trying to get his core vote to come out. I’m sorry. I expected statesmanship from the Prime Minister. But, Sir, by that logic, we might as well go back to the state of nature where you again create these large divides in society just for electoral gains. At the end of the day, you know, she talks about Achadan and Vikas. What is the rate of inflation today? What is the unemployment rate today? Look at the NCRB. The last time you allowed for an NCRB. You know any of report to come. Outlook at the crimes against women. Look at the rising atrocities against STS and minorities. Look at forget foreign indices. Look at all those surveys and statistics that you have refused and debunked even though they come from your own statistical organizations. No, but you havent answered my question. No, no. One second you havent answered my question. You havent answered my question. Which is fine. You can level all allegations at Mr. Modis doorstep. Mr. Modi the politician. Mr. Modi, the campaigner is divisive. He indulges in communal rhetoric, so on and so forth. But Mr. Modis, government, Mr. Modi, the Prime Minister when it comes to welfare schemes, his government does not discriminate. That’s the question I asked you. How do you respond to that? You know, this entire idea I can talk about a lot of other nations under the guise of propounding nationalism, said we are giving facilities to absolutely everybody while also ghettoizing and also completely ostracizing populations. While you talk about, you know, I can dispute everything from Avast to the GST estate pays, pays on Avast. To judge deep on how much a state pays to each and every one of the schemes, I can counter it with facts, with a simple argument I’m going to make. You are a Prime Minister, not of one religion, the law. Last I checked, you’re a Prime Minister for everybody who is an Indian. And the fact that you will other an entire community just to get, as Mr. Swapan said, to get your core voters to come out is absolutely shameful. And Zaka, the one response nobodys given, you know, Sanju has given me 100 different examples of vikas. If there was so much vikas, why is the Prime Minister whose track record is apparently, you know, absolutely wonderful and not abysmal at all? Why has not made even one reference of his development anywhere Ek Jaga Jayato Mangal Sutra kebari, Me baat karte do Sri Jaga Jayato or like you know something else, emotive issues? Because one second you I gave you, I gave you a platform to make. I mean you you gave out your achievements. You gave out how the government is nondiscriminatory when it comes to welfare schemes. Now I need to get my closing comments from Shoppandas Gupta and from Beer Sangvi Shoppandas Gupta. The point that Aishwarya and the Congress are making Mr. Modi is not just. I mean he’s not a panna pramuk, he’s the Prime Minister of this country. He’s the Prime Minister of 140 crore Indians which includes 20,00,00,000 Muslims. When he says Congress Aapki sampati aapke mangal sutra aapke Jaywar chin lenge or devenge goose petty anko or jinke Jada bache unko devenge, that’s not a good look. No, not just a good look, that’s not a good look. But unfortunately Zaka, you must find out that there are large parts of India. And you know, I, I, I spend most of my time these days in Eastern India where a large section of the so-called benefits, welfare benefits of the state are being accrued to the hands of people who have absolutely no right to be in India. And they have been allowed to come in by people who are constituents of the so-called India alliance. So the fault lines, they didn’t begin with Mr. Modi. The fault lines are pre-existing and the fault lines are so glaring that the Congress that doesn’t that doesn’t bat an eyelid when it says when it boycotts the Ayodhya ceremony, when it thinks that that is not really worth going to because it touches the hearts of the majority of the community of the people of India. It doesn’t think that it’s worth celebrating the end of Article 370 because it feels that only one section has been wronged. So it’s this attitude of minorityism trying to think that there is the there is a common citizenship but there is a particular sense of, you know, separateness which is allowed to other people and its that philosophy which has been there and that is the philosophy which Modi has actually attacked and that’s a sitting duck target. And as far as development is concerned, yes, every speech of his I even heard with rapt attention his speech in Munget today where he again mentioned the Mangalsutra, but it was also preceded and it was coupled. It it was coupled with a long elaboration of the type of development or of the type of benefits which had gave accrued to a poor poor state like Bihar. So it’s very much there. It’s the pity that the Congress people have only chosen because they thought that because they they could cite the absolute immiseration of the people and people would vote against it now. But as the CS DS Lokpeti survey is quite clear, yes, there are certain economic indicators which suggest an element of distress in certain parts. But people are not voting according to that because they are voting for a man who’s a strong leader. They’re voting for a man who’s given India a sense of identity. Now, you may like it, you may dislike this, but that’s the way the people are. And the people are voting in that fact. We sang we, you know, forget about everything else. The Congress manifesto itself has a dedicated section on minorities and minority welfare. And it starts off with the line saying that the Congress party will do what it takes to ensure that minorities have a fair share. Now A who defines what is fair share? And B why should only minorities have a fair share? Everyone in this country should have a fair share. Agreed. I have no problems with that. In fact, I was very unhappy when Manmohan Singh made the speech that Mister Modi is quoting. But on the other hand, if you look at what Manmohan Singh did in government and find exception, take exception to that, that’s one thing To pick on a speech is another. The time Manmohan Singh made that speech, he was Prime Minister. So did he act on it and give Muslims a great greater share of resources and Hindus? I’m not sure the BJP has still to make that point. As for a fair share, I think the argument is that Muslims have been denied a fair share against this and under this government and now we will give it to them. I don’t necessarily think you need to say that, but Muslims may think differently, particularly after the word the prime ministers latest speeches. OK, well leave it to that. One thing is very, very clear that the the ratcheting up of the rhetoric, if you will, the ratcheting up of the heat on the campaign trail certainly seems to have happened between the 1st and the 2nd phases. Whether or not this will translate into into into a rising voter turn out if you will, in the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th phases, well wait and see. As of now, the data that we have as far as phase two is concerned as we close out this part of the debate is as of 5:00 PM. There still seems to be a gap between the 2019 figure in states like Rajasthan. Even in states like Kerala where generally the voter turn out is high, the 2019 turn out has still not been match. Whether that gap will be closed, we don’t know. But if there is a 2 to 4% fall from the 2019 figures, how may that affect? In which voter may that affect more than another? That is something we’ll have to wait and and and observe.