Israel is not alone among its democratic friends - opinion

FRENCH PRESIDENT Emmanuel Macron embraces President Isaac Herzog, during his visit to Jerusalem in October, following the Hamas massacres.

At first glance, Israel seems isolated, but a thorough analysis of global blocs reveals a complex and more nuanced reality that influences the dynamics of international relations.

Within the Arab-Muslim world, a first bloc is characterized by solidarity towards the Palestinian people, often considered an integral part of the Islamic nation. However, it is crucial to note that this solidarity contrasts with a similar lack of involvement in other regional conflicts.

For instance, in Syria, the conflict resulted in the death of approximately 400,000 people, and the Iran-Iraq war led to nearly a million deaths.

This selectivity raises questions about the nature of this solidarity and its real motivations.

From Tehran to Kabul and from Algiers to Damascus, the authoritarian leaders of these countries have often considered that fostering hatred towards Israel was the best means to “lull” their people. As expressed by Kamel Daoud, a French writer of Algerian origin, ironically, the Arab-Muslim world seems to express more affection for the Palestinians when they seem to be dying.

The Knesset building, Jerusalem, Israel, on Independence Day. Taken from the south, from The Israel Museum. (credit: Beny Shlevich / GNU Free License)

The Knesset building, Jerusalem, Israel, on Independence Day. Taken from the south, from The Israel Museum. (credit: Beny Shlevich / GNU Free License)

Developing countries have reason to look positively toward Israel

When analyzing the GDP of these countries (excluding those in the Gulf buoyed by their oil wealth), whose population accounts for nearly a third of humanity, the number of patents filed, scientific contributions, or even the number of Nobel Prizes, it becomes evident that their intellectual, scientific, or economic wealth does not hold significant weight.

With few exceptions, such as the United Arab Emirates, for example, the nature of the governments that lead them is certainly responsible for their limited economic or scientific influence.

The second bloc, composed of emerging giants such as China, India, or countries in South America and even Africa, displays an evident neutrality.

For these populations, the conflict between Jerusalem and Gaza elicits as much interest as the conflict between the Maoist group Shining Path and the Peruvian government.

However, this bloc is experiencing considerable economic and scientific developments and represents significant potential. There are ample reasons to believe and hope that this second-third of the world’s population will have a greater affinity for Israel through its contributions to science and technology. One can estimate its global economic, intellectual, or scientific influence to be less than 20%.

The third bloc, consisting of major democracies such as the US, UK, Europe, Japan, and Canada stands out for its unquestionable support for Israel.

These democracies are also at the forefront in scientific and medical fields, with leading biotechnology companies, renowned institutions such as MIT in the United States or the University of Oxford in England, and even in the field of artificial intelligence, where OpenAI in the US plays a central role.

The significant number of Nobel Prizes won by these nations underscores the importance of this bloc on the scientific and intellectual level.

This support for Israel represents not only a solid foundation for Israel’s security but also a comforting sense of solidarity. This support is based on shared common values and democratic principles.

However, it is true that, like France, through its population from Maghreb immigration, or the US, through its woke movement, which originated hostile demonstrations in major American universities, some of these governments sometimes need to navigate a complex balance. As some people are considering now “Woke-ism has grown and prospered on the fertile ground of ignorance,” and “it is not a question of whether woke ideology will self-destruct but when.”

For Israel and Jews worldwide, this probably balance is sometimes challenging to appreciate.

The greatest guarantee for Israel will, therefore, remain its commitment to its humanitarian and democratic values, as long as the country remains faithful to them and does not violate them, as some extremist members might be tempted to do.

The writer is a former president of the European Jewish Congress and a former president of the Foundation of French Judaism.